5月6日考路考，请了个教练。打工的死胖子给我介绍了个邯郸的陆教练。昨天上了1个半小时课，感觉非常好。教练很帅，披肩卷发扎起来的那种，一边教车一边抽斗儿，我问他斗儿是哪儿弄的，他冷笑了一声没理我。路考用教练的自动车考，直接用自动挡考一个full license（需要3年驾龄，我的国内照的驾龄从2006年算起），拿到F牌就手动也可以开了。
教练连续批评了我90分钟，一次教会了我侧位停车，才知道看左边镜的车屁股就能估计出左轮的位置了。
找出了我7个路考时致命的错误。
1.打灯前、刹车前、转弯前后都没有看镜的动作，我平时看车偷懒，只用眼睛瞟一瞟。教练说这是傻小子睡凉炕，全凭火力旺
2.行进间速度不流畅。平时开破锣，都是轰油门轰到4档或5档后就不管了。反正60的路就是4档，80的路就是5档。爬坡换3档，陡坡下坡用3档的engine break。教练车是自动挡的三菱。教练把我训惨了。说应该踩一脚油就知道油门的敏感度了，您都开了20分钟了还没适应。
3.转向灯开得太早，而且换完道后还不关。教练说换完道不关转向灯别的车会很不爽的。平时开车处处耍鸡贼，考试前可不能这么干了。
4.不给公交车让道，违法行为。bus出站，我觉得bus的启动速度不快，就直接视而不见的开过去了。
5.方向盘动作。手不能吃在方向盘里，否则紧急情况时手会被锁在里面。我左转动作的第一部分是标准的，但回轮的时候是让方向盘自动溜回去的，不符合考试标准。
6.过环岛时总觉得右边打左灯的车不一定会左拐，总觉得那辆车有可能进入环岛后直行。结果就去让那车，考试属于判断错误。
7.隔离带右转让路。从小路右转经隔离带上主路。判断犹豫不决，该冲不冲，该让不让，非常危险。
2011年3月24日星期四
失业所以就游行？！转载：Educated, Unemployed and Frustrated
Educated, Unemployed and Frustrated
转自：http://www.nytimes.com/2011/03/21/opinion/21klein.html?_r=1
WE all enjoy speculating about which Arab regime will be toppled next, but maybe we should be looking closer to home. High unemployment? Check. Out-of-touch elites? Check. Frustrated young people? As a 24-year-old American, I can testify that this rich democracy has plenty of those too.
About one-fourth of Egyptian workers under 25 are unemployed, a statistic that is often cited as a reason for the revolution there. In the United States, the Bureau of Labor Statistics reported in January an official unemployment rate of 21 percent for workers ages 16 to 24.
My generation was taught that all we needed to succeed was an education and hard work. Tell that to my friend from high school who studied Chinese and international relations at a top-tier college. He had the misfortune to graduate in the class of 2009, and could find paid work only as a lifeguard and a personal trainer. Unpaid internships at research institutes led to nothing. After more than a year he moved back in with his parents.
Millions of college graduates in rich nations could tell similar stories. In Italy, Portugal and Spain, about one-fourth of college graduates under the age of 25 are unemployed. In the United States, the official unemployment rate for this group is 11.2 percent, but for college graduates 25 and over it is only 4.5 percent.
The true unemployment rate for young graduates is most likely even higher because it fails to account for those who went to graduate school in an attempt to ride out the economic storm or fled the country to teach English overseas. It would be higher still if it accounted for all of those young graduates who have given up looking for full-time work, and are working part time for lack of any alternative.
The cost of youth unemployment is not only financial, but also emotional. Having a job is supposed to be the reward for hours of SAT prep, evenings spent on homework instead of with friends and countless all-nighters writing papers. The millions of young people who cannot get jobs or who take work that does not require a college education are in danger of losing their faith in the future. They are indefinitely postponing the life they wanted and prepared for; all that matters is finding rent money. Even if the job market becomes as robust as it was in 2007 — something economists say could take more than a decade — my generation will have lost years of career-building experience.
It was simple to blame Hosni Mubarak for the frustrations of Egypt’s young people — he had been in power longer than they had been alive. Barack Obama is not such an easy target; besides his democratic legitimacy, he is far from the only one responsible for the weakness of the recovery. In the absence of someone specific to blame, the frustration simply builds.
As governments across the developed world balance their budgets, I fear that the young will bear the brunt of the pain: taxes on workers will be raised and spending on education will be cut while mortgage subsidies and entitlements for the elderly are untouchable. At least the Saudis and Kuwaitis are trying to bribe their younger subjects.
The uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa are a warning for the developed world. Even if an Egyptian-style revolution breaking out in a rich democracy is unthinkable, it is easy to recognize the frustration of a generation that lacks opportunity. Indeed, the “desperate generation” in Portugal got tens of thousands of people to participate in nationwide protests on March 12. How much longer until the rest of the rich world follows their lead?
Matthew C. Klein is a research associate at the Council on Foreign Relations.
转自：http://www.nytimes.com/2011/03/21/opinion/21klein.html?_r=1
WE all enjoy speculating about which Arab regime will be toppled next, but maybe we should be looking closer to home. High unemployment? Check. Out-of-touch elites? Check. Frustrated young people? As a 24-year-old American, I can testify that this rich democracy has plenty of those too.
About one-fourth of Egyptian workers under 25 are unemployed, a statistic that is often cited as a reason for the revolution there. In the United States, the Bureau of Labor Statistics reported in January an official unemployment rate of 21 percent for workers ages 16 to 24.
My generation was taught that all we needed to succeed was an education and hard work. Tell that to my friend from high school who studied Chinese and international relations at a top-tier college. He had the misfortune to graduate in the class of 2009, and could find paid work only as a lifeguard and a personal trainer. Unpaid internships at research institutes led to nothing. After more than a year he moved back in with his parents.
Millions of college graduates in rich nations could tell similar stories. In Italy, Portugal and Spain, about one-fourth of college graduates under the age of 25 are unemployed. In the United States, the official unemployment rate for this group is 11.2 percent, but for college graduates 25 and over it is only 4.5 percent.
The true unemployment rate for young graduates is most likely even higher because it fails to account for those who went to graduate school in an attempt to ride out the economic storm or fled the country to teach English overseas. It would be higher still if it accounted for all of those young graduates who have given up looking for full-time work, and are working part time for lack of any alternative.
The cost of youth unemployment is not only financial, but also emotional. Having a job is supposed to be the reward for hours of SAT prep, evenings spent on homework instead of with friends and countless all-nighters writing papers. The millions of young people who cannot get jobs or who take work that does not require a college education are in danger of losing their faith in the future. They are indefinitely postponing the life they wanted and prepared for; all that matters is finding rent money. Even if the job market becomes as robust as it was in 2007 — something economists say could take more than a decade — my generation will have lost years of career-building experience.
It was simple to blame Hosni Mubarak for the frustrations of Egypt’s young people — he had been in power longer than they had been alive. Barack Obama is not such an easy target; besides his democratic legitimacy, he is far from the only one responsible for the weakness of the recovery. In the absence of someone specific to blame, the frustration simply builds.
As governments across the developed world balance their budgets, I fear that the young will bear the brunt of the pain: taxes on workers will be raised and spending on education will be cut while mortgage subsidies and entitlements for the elderly are untouchable. At least the Saudis and Kuwaitis are trying to bribe their younger subjects.
The uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa are a warning for the developed world. Even if an Egyptian-style revolution breaking out in a rich democracy is unthinkable, it is easy to recognize the frustration of a generation that lacks opportunity. Indeed, the “desperate generation” in Portugal got tens of thousands of people to participate in nationwide protests on March 12. How much longer until the rest of the rich world follows their lead?
Matthew C. Klein is a research associate at the Council on Foreign Relations.
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